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8th February 2002
In 1931, during the world economic crisis, the bankers ordered
the then Labour government to make massive cuts in public
expenditure to restore "stability" and the cabinet
met several times to decide how to respond but the prime minister,
Ramsay MacDonald who, along with Keir Hardie, was one of the
founders of the party, believed that he had no alternative
but to capitulate to this pressure and he tried to get his
colleagues to agree but some of them refused to go along with
it.
MacDonald asked the National Executive of the Labour Party
if they would support him and the NEC told him that they would
go along with whatever he recommended, but the TUC flatly
refused and indicated that if he did make the cuts they would
come out against him.
He had however been secretly negotiating with the Tories
and the Liberals to enter into a Coalition to make the cuts
and carry them through the Commons, then himself resigning
as the Labour prime minister but being immediately re-appointed
as the head of this new National Government which called for
the dissolution of parliament to pave the way for a general
election against the opposition of the Labour party.
The cabinet minutes for the period have long been released
under the thirty year rule and they describe exactly how this
situation developed, covering both the end of the Labour government
and the first meeting of the new National government, also
under Ramsay MacDonald, which record the congratulations which
he received from his Tory and Liberal colleagues.
MacDonald fought that election against the party he had
worked to found and virtually wiped it out, with only fifty
one Labour MPs left in parliament, but leaving him still at
number 10 for a further four years, and two more after that
as Lord President of the Council under Stanley Baldwin.
During that election campaign, in which all the affiliated
unions stayed loyal to Labour, Philip Snowdon, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, who defected with Ramsay described the Labour
Party as "Bolshevism run mad" and thus used the
Red Scare against his old comrades who had placed their faith
in him.
For the next fourteen years Labour was in opposition, gaining
a hundred more seats in 1935 and then, ten years later, winning
a landslide victory which gave us the Welfare State, Full
Employment, full trade union rights and the National Health
Service.
Reading this week of the attack on those who want the public
services to be publicly funded, publicly owned and publicly
accountable as "Wreckers" brought back these memories
for it was almost as if the trade unions representing public
sector workers were being accused of favouring "Bolshevism
run mad" and as if some ministers were implying that
the Tories, which introduced privatization under Mrs Thatcher,
were their natural allies in following business friendly policies.
I have never heard the bosses of Railtrack, ENRON or Marconi
who have failed so miserably described by ministers, as wreckers
though that charge might well have been made and those who
worked for those companies are bitterly resentful at the way
they have been treated.
The prime minister once said that "New Labour is a
new political party" and so much of what it does and
says confirms that view and awakens in me a deep fear that
history may be repeating itself on the 1931 model, leaving
Labour fatally damaged in the eyes of the electors but leaving
the PM safe in Downing Street with support from Tories an
Liberals.
Some on the Left use this argument to justify their decision
to leave the party arguing that it has gone beyond recall
and now that its own internal democracy has been virtually
destroyed it cannot ever recover, but those who say that are
forgetting the other part of the story, namely that, in 1931
it was the trade unions that saved the party and re-equipped
it for its later victories.
That process is already under way again with the brilliant
advertising campaigns now being launched by the unions in
support of the public services, and winning wide popular support
from those who depend on them, so wide in fact, that even
the Mail on Sunday has announced that it intends to argue
for the Post Office to be retained as a public service.
I walked from home to Transport House to join the Labour
Party on my birthday, sixty years ago this April and intend
to die in it - though not quite yet - but I never joined New
Labour and have no intention whatever of doing so, which,
if it goes on like this, might prove to be too right wing
to be electable.
The Left will never be able to agree on a common ideological
position, because Socialism, like many other faiths, it positively
breeds sectarian differences, but at least we can all work
together for jobs, peace and freedom whatever party we are
in and the campaigns on globalization, privatization, pensions
and the war have brought us all together in a way that respects
our differences but emphasizes our common aims.
The story of the betrayal of 1931, now over seventy years
ago, may seem remote to many readers of the STAR, but I shall
personally never forget it, because in 1930, as a five year
old, I met MacDonald, when he still was the Labour PM, and
he gave me a chocolate biscuit, so I have been a bit suspicious
of all Labour leaders with chocolate biscuits ever since -
and there are quite a few about now but no-one in the trade
union movement seem to be tempted, and are staying loyal to
the real Labour party.
8/2/2002
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